August 30, 2024 • 23 mins
Andrew and James discuss another political cult. In this episode, we cover the Democratic Workers Party and its leader, former professor Marlene Dixon.
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Speaker 1 (00:01):
All Zone Media.
Speaker 2 (00:05):
Welcome to can Happening here.
Speaker 3 (00:07):
I'm Andrew Sage from the YouTube channel Andrewism and I'm
joined again by James Andrew Welcome back time to talk
about political cults again.
Speaker 2 (00:17):
Oh good fine.
Speaker 3 (00:19):
Continuing with the work of Dennis Tourist and Tim Wolforth
in their book on the Edge Political Cults Left and Right.
I've spoken before about the cult recruitment process, the contractory
positions held by cult members, ideological totalism, and the commonalities
of political cults, including rigid belief systems, immunity to fortification, authoritarianism,
(00:40):
arbitrary leadership, the verification of leaders, intense activism, and the
use of loaded language. And speaking of loaded language. I
know that some people don't like the term cult because
it is, you know, very charged. I prefer personally. I
know that other terms are used, such as high control
groups or new religious movements, but I'm sticking to cults.
(01:06):
My question for you, James, do you think that you
would be susceptible to a cult?
Speaker 4 (01:14):
One hopes not. We spoke about like authoritarian personalities before,
and I wonder if there's something similar for people who
end up in cults. But I'm sure there's something that
could get any of us. You know, we all have
our like susceptibilities to these things. But I hope it
wouldn't be for sure.
Speaker 3 (01:31):
I mean, one would like to think, you know, yeah,
I'm feel different, you know, I would.
Speaker 2 (01:36):
Into a cult.
Speaker 3 (01:37):
But you know, really, especially considering the the paucity of
community these days, it's a little wonder that's many people
find a home in such harmful and abusive spaces. So
previously I've touched on the Laruche movements, the Newman Tendency,
(02:00):
and the United Red Army of Japan, the latter of
which ended up killing some people. Today we'll be looking
at another case study, not nearly as extreme, but still
quite abusive, this time the infamous Marlene Dixon and her
Democratic Workers Party.
Speaker 2 (02:17):
Oh fun times, fun times.
Speaker 3 (02:19):
Indeed, I also got some information on Dixon's activity, not
just from on the Edge, but also from the book
Bounded Choice, True Believers and Charismatic Cults by Janja Lalich,
who was actually a member of Dixon's Democratic Workers' Party
for ten years. I like that a lot of books
written a bold cults are written by former cult members.
Speaker 4 (02:41):
Yeah, I mean, I think it can be like the
point you raised your initial question, right, Like everyone likes
to think they're specially and not susceptible, And I can
see how books written about them could be written from
a place of like condescension or you know, other ring.
So I think it's always good when folks who have
survived these things could write about them.
Speaker 3 (03:00):
Yeah, for sure, for sure. I mean, one of the
authors on the Edge, Tim wolf If he was also
part of a Trotskyist cult. So these are people who
are speaking from experience.
Speaker 4 (03:10):
Yeah. I was writing about cults long before I started
this podcast, So there was some weird cut like behaviors
and endurance sports. And I spoke to an expert and
she also was a survivor and introduced me to some
other survivors of some more sort of classic left political cults.
And like, it wasn't something I ever really felt comfortable
(03:31):
like narrating their experiences. I would rather they narrate their experiences.
It was really interesting to see how many of them
were like so willing to write about it and to
talk about it and wanted to educate people about it.
Speaker 2 (03:43):
Yeah.
Speaker 3 (03:44):
I mean, one of the reasons I'm particularly passionate about
political cults is just the way that they sap the energy,
the passion, and the drive the potential of what should be.
You know, people involved a really positive change, they end
up getting sucked in and their energies get sapped by
(04:06):
these causes by these leaders that just sort of divertes
their potential trajectory.
Speaker 2 (04:13):
Yeah.
Speaker 4 (04:13):
Absolutely, I think anyone who was active in the United
States on the left in twenty twenty can attest to
the ability of some of these groups to just cut
the soul out of a popular movement which was making
a positive difference at one point.
Speaker 2 (04:29):
Right, So let's get into it.
Speaker 3 (04:32):
Marlene Dixon was born into a family that valued education
and intellectual pursuit. From a young age, she was immoved
in an environment that fostered deep appreciation for learning and
critical thinking, and this foundation significantly influenced her future path
set in the stage for her academic and political endeavors.
Growing up, Dickson showed an early interest in sociology, a
(04:55):
field that would later to become her academic and professional focus.
She pursued higher edu with a passion, earning her undergraduate
degree and going on to complete a PhD in sociology
in the University of California. The doctoral studies were marked
by a rigorous exploration of social structures and equalities. Themes
were resonate throughout her career. As a sociology professor, Dickson's
(05:19):
classroom was more than just a place for academic instruction.
It was a forum for radical ideas and critical debate.
Her teaching was infused with a strong feminist perspective, challenging
traditional notions and encouraging students to question societal norms. This
feminist ideology was not just an academic interest, but a
driving force behind her activism and the formation of my
(05:41):
political beliefs. However, even early on again in science, that
something's a bit awry. According to some of her former
students and colleagues. It was also during those years which
became interested in mass social psychology and group behavior modification.
She studied Raber J. Lufton's work and thought her. She
studied and admired total communities, accults, and other directed methods
(06:05):
of behavioral control such as alcoholics anonymous. She believed that
these programs provided positive ways to change people. Dixon's early
academic career also provided her with a platform to connect
with like minded individuals who shared her passion for social justice.
These connections were proved crucial as she moved beyond the
confines of academia and into the world of radical, pritical activism.
(06:28):
Her political awakening came during a time of significant social
and political upheaval. The sixties and seventies were decades marked
by civil rights movements, anti war protests, and a crowing
disillusionment with the status coop. Dixon was deeply influenced by
the principles of Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism. Marxism provided her
with a free for understanding class struggle and exploitation inherent
(06:50):
and capitalist societies. Menin's organizational principles, particularly the concept of
the vanguard party, were also integral to Dixon's political thought. Argued,
of course, that a disciplined, centralized party was necessary to
lead the wilding class to revolution. Dixon adopted this idea wholeheartedly,
seeing the need for a tightly controlled, hierarchical organization to
(07:12):
con guide the proletaria towards socialism. Mao Sadong's influence on
Dixon was particularly evident in her approage to internal party dynamics.
Mao's emphasis on continuous revolution and self criticism as tools
for maintaining ideological purity resonated with Dixon. She implemented rigorous
criticism and self criticism sessions within her future party, a
(07:35):
practice that aimed to eliminate boucheor tendencies and reinforced commitment
to the party's goals. Dixon's political engagement wasn't limited to
theoretical discussions. She was actively involved in radical movements, participating
in protests and organizing efforts as we are to challenge
existing power structures. Her activism extended beyond national borders, as
(07:56):
she connected with international revolutionary movements and drew inspiration for
their struggles. The combination of these influences and experiences led
to the founding of the Democratic Worker's Party in nineteen
seventy four. Dixon's vision for the Democratic Worker's Party or
(08:22):
DWP was deeply rooted in this idea of Leninist democratic centralism,
Maoist self critique, and Marxist anti capitalism. But beyond Marx,
Lenin and Mao, the New Communist Movement or NCM played
a significant role in shape and Dixon's approach. The NCM
was a diverse collection of groups that emerged in the
late nineteen sixties and early nineteen seventies, advocating for a
(08:45):
revitalized communist movement in the United States. The NCM sought
to build new Marxist Leninist organizations that could address the
shortcomings of the old left and provide a fresh, militant alternative.
Speaker 2 (08:57):
Dixon was of.
Speaker 3 (08:58):
Course, deeply inspired by the NCAA emphasis on billion and
revolutionary vanguard, and his commitment to rigorous theoretical work and
practical activism. At the time, the EWP was getting a
lot of credit for being one of the few feminists
and women led organizations in the new Communist movement, which
allowed the group to draw radicals from leftist circles as
(09:18):
well as the women's movement and the gay movement. When
most NCM groups were virulently a homophobic and dismissive of feminism,
the DWP had a unique alert billion. In her political career,
Marlinne Dixon also contributed theoretically to the DWP with the
concept of proletarian and feminism, which allowed the DWP to
(09:39):
stand up both against class prejudice and sexism and for
the equality of all people. Over time, though her concept
of proletaria and feminism became less prominent in the DWP's
approach and in their literature. In the early stages, the
concept of proletarian feminism attracted a lot of people, including
(10:00):
Jan Jalilich, the author of Bounded Choice, who had been
part of the WP. The early days of the WP
were marked by a significant effort to recruit and train
new members. Dixon and her close associates focused on building
a cadre of dedicated revolutionaries who were deeply committed to
the party schools. These numbers were not just activists, but
ideological soldiers, appeared to dedicate their lives.
Speaker 2 (10:23):
To the cause of socialism.
Speaker 3 (10:25):
Recruitment often targets had young intellectuals and activists who disillusioned
with mainstream politics and eager for radical change. In this
early period, the parties organized study groups, protests, and community
outreach programs, all aimed at raising political consciousness and building
support for the party's revolutionary agenda. Dixon's chism and intellectual
(10:46):
rigor inspired many, but her leadership style also had its challenges.
Billy on, she had very authoritarian tendencies influenced by her
admiration for Mao Zadan, and it led to a highly
controlled and often repressive internal atmosphere. Members were subjugated to
rigorous criticism and self criticism sessions, and these sessions could
(11:11):
be psychologically taxing, creating an atmosphere of constant scrutiny and pressure.
This is exemplary of social psychologist Anthony Pratkanis and Eliot
Aronson's seven step guide to create in a political cult,
which included crucially maintaining a rigid internal regime. In these
early years, we can also see the signs of the
other steps, such as creating a distinct social reality, building
(11:34):
commitment through dissonance reduction, sending members to proselytize, and fixating
members on a promised land, the promised land being, of course,
international communism. The DWP grew steadily in its early years.
Full time members core of cadres or militants typically numbered
between one hundred and twenty five and one hundred and
fifty people, but in certain periods there were between three
(11:56):
hundred and one thousand members at various creeds of affiliation.
One of the WP's primary areas of focus was labor
organizer Dixon and her colleagues saw the labor movement as
a critical battleground for the struggle against capitalism, and they
dedicated significant resources to supporting labor strikes, organizing union drives,
and advocating for workers' rights. The DWP's members often worked
(12:19):
closely with existing labor unions, providing support and promoting a
more radical, class conscious approach to labor activism, and this
involvement helped party gain credibility and trust among workers, who
saw the WP as genuine allies in their struggle. Members
were also active in campaigns for affordable housing, health care,
(12:39):
and education, working to build coalitions with other progressive organizations
and community groups. Political education was another cornerstone of the activities.
Dixon believed that a well informed and ideologically grounded membership
was essential for the party's success, so they had regular
study groups with jobs and lectures and Marxist theory, current events,
and revolutionary stratetum, and These activities are not limited to members,
(13:03):
but were also used as tools for outreach. Eventually, the
party's activities extended beyond its initial base in San Francisco
and reached other parts of California, even gaining attention on
a national scale. Dixon's ability to connect with other radical
movements and her strategic vision for the d WP's role
in the broad revolutionary struggle had played a significant part
(13:23):
in this growth, but despite their successes, behind the scenes
was not too hot, to put it lightly. While Dixon's
theoretical acumen and charm had attracted many to her cause,
her methods of maintaining control within the party with what
gave it its cult connotations. One of the central aspects
(13:44):
of Dixon's control was her personal domination over the party
and its members. Dixon established herself as the undisputed leader
of the DWP, demanding absolute loyalty and obedience. Leylash described
her as a large, loud woman who exuded a type
of charisma that could be difficult for outsiders to comprehend.
Her personal style was abrasive, and she was stern and domineering. Nonetheless,
(14:08):
Dixon was able to exact commitment from her followers and
entailed devotion to her person and undying defense of her
actions as their leader. So we see a peculiar and
almost quanting resemblance to other historical movements like Heaven's Gates.
On the surface, they seem worlds apart. One is steeped
in political ideology, the other in spiritual salvation. But dive
(14:30):
deeper and I you'll find that the currents beneath their
surface flow with striking similarities. Take for instance, the role
of charisma like Apple White and the nettles of Heaven's Gate.
Dixon used words as her craft, her instrument, speaking to
eager audiences. We even a vision of hope that drew
people in. She wasn't just persuasive, she was magnetic. She
(14:53):
created a myth for herself that seemed to fit with
the revolutionary zie guist at the time. Lalish describes that
when she first joined the party, Dixon was a towering
presence who created an intense, almost sacred bond with them.
That speaks of how the followers were awed by her,
desperate to follow her vision, willing to endure her criticism
(15:13):
just to stay in her good graces. And when Dixon
would spend some time away and came back, they would
spend long, cruel and meetings where she would dissect every
decision they made and criticize everything they did in her absence,
showing them all the ways they had fallen short. It
was brutal, but also reinforced her authority over them, as
(15:35):
they wanted to get her approval at all times. One
of her documents on the development of Leninist democracy, told
the followers that the leadership was about authority, not popularity,
and whether we liked her or not, we had to
accept as the ultimate authority in the party. Later also
says that they were made to believe that being part
(15:55):
of the WP was a privilege. Authority wasn't just accepted,
it was revered, and this was the foundation of their
relationship with Dixon. She was the leader, the guiding force,
and they were the followers, committed, obedient, and always seeking
her approval. And yet there was a secret at the
heart of herler She was a myth maker. Her backstory
(16:17):
was curated, embellished to paint herself as a champion of
civil rights when the reality was far less dramatic. Systems
of control was another area where the DWP and Heaven's
(16:38):
Gates shared common ground. Both groups thrived on a mix
of carrot and stick promises of a better future, harsh
discipline for failure. Leaders would live apart from their followers,
hidden away while their followers toiled and sacrificed. Every day
was a test, every misstep a reason for criticism, and
leaders were never revealing themselves fully. They created a distance.
(17:00):
They were heightened their mystique and their authority. In the WP,
there was a very strict hierarchy and chain of command.
Dixon was at this top. She had a selight few
leaders below her, and decisions were made top down. Democratic centralism,
which was a Leninist tactic that theoretically allowed for debate
(17:22):
and democracy, was really there to enforce obedience. Members were
also split into tears. You had trial members, candidate members,
and general members, each level carrier on distinct privileges and obligations.
An advancement was up to Dixon. She decided who leveled
up in the party. Sanctions for rule violations ranged from
(17:46):
increased duties to expulsion, the severest being expulsion with prejudice
effectively erase in the individual from party history and the
party's first purge, notably the quote unquote Lesbian Purge, exemplified
Dixon's control tactics. As a target had perceived threat within
the group and set a precedent for internal purchase that
(18:06):
instilled fair.
Speaker 2 (18:07):
And loyalty among the members.
Speaker 3 (18:10):
And then, lastly, there was transcendent belief, another area where
Heaven's Skates and the DWP had common ground. For Heav'ts
Skate it was about transcendent human life to reach a
higher plane of existence. For the WP, it was about
transforming society, reaching utopia through class struggle. The daily life
of DWP members was highly regimented. Dixon had strict routines
(18:32):
and expectations demanded complete dedication to the party's activities. Members
were subjected to intense scrutiny, particularly those of the evil
middle class backgrounds, and this method of course effectively suppressed
descent and ensured the members remained tightly bound to Dixon's vision.
This rerelent the schedule that had them within long hours,
(18:54):
both in their day jobs and unparty related tasks, left
them little time for pursuits or outside relationships, which also
helped Dixon maintain control over their lives. By limited members
interactions with outsiders, Dixon minimized the risk of external influences
underminding her authority, and the isolation extended to live in
arrangements as well as members lived community, which further reinforced
(19:16):
their dependence on the party and their separation from mainstream society.
The combination of these control mechanisms created a highly controlled
and insular environment within the WP, as members were constantly
monitored by both Dixon and the other payers to ensure
that any deviation from the party lying was quickly identified
and addressed. The use of fair guilt and psychological manipulation
(19:38):
kept members in line. Of course, the control was not
just psychological. It was physical, because when you're isolated and
you're working all the time, your body is going to
break down. You're exhausted, your burnt out, and the emotional
strain of constant criticism doesn't exactly help either. But all
of this were to keep party members in their place.
(19:59):
The controversies surround the WP's methods and leadership eventually drew
attention from both within the leftist movement and from external observers.
Critics argue that Dixon's authoritarianism when the party's cut like
practices were antithetical to the principles of socialism and genuine
revolutionary activity, but these criticisms did little to all to
the internal dynamics of the WP During its peak. In
(20:21):
the early days, Dixon had followers truly believed the revolution
was just around the corner. By the nineteen eighties, recruitment
was faltering, purges was narrow in the organization's focus, and
the WP's aggressive tactics had led to conflict with other
leftist groups. Dixon had grown dissolution. She had begun to
(20:42):
see the local struggles they were taking part in as
insignificant as mere reformist gestures. She moved the party from
distributing a local newspaper to publishing dense academic journals. She
developed the stain for world systems theory, which had once
been a guiding light in her movement, and rejected it
as anti socialist and cynical. In her eyes, the United
(21:05):
States working class was no longer a beacon for evolution. Instead,
she placed her faith in the USSR in Eastern Europe,
in distant lands where she believed the future of socialism lay.
Her frequent travels to conferences in Europe and her focus
on theoretical debates alienated her members, as the heart of
their struggle had been replaced with her distant, abstract vision
(21:25):
that none of them could grasp. But the real breaking
point came with her change in strategies. Dixon began to
see the Petibo Rossi as potential allies instead of enemies,
as they had always been a radical shit from ideology
that her party had been taught beyond all that her
drinking had become more uncontrolled than usual, and her abuse
of the members had increased. So in late nineteen eighty five,
(21:49):
a few of her members decided that enough was enough.
While Dixon was away on one of her many trips,
they gathered in secret, shared their frustrations, and they'd bear
the truth over what had become of the party. When
Dixon returned, she was met with the harshest reality of war.
They told her that the party was over, that she
was expelled, and that they were dissolving the party. Her
(22:10):
reaction was, of course, a mix of disbelief and anger,
and a final bit of confrontation in the collapse of
everything she had built. Afterwards, there was of course a
mess to clean up. The members, having endured abuse for
so long, including financial abuse, took it upon themselves to
divide the assets amongst themselves. As a final small compensation
(22:31):
for the years they had given. Each person received a
poetry sum, a mere fraction of what they had invested.
But at last, the party's ideological crises, weakened leadership and
internal strife resulted in the organization's dissolution. The party was
indeed over, and they could start their.
Speaker 2 (22:50):
Life a new.
Speaker 1 (22:55):
It Could Happen Here as a production of cool Zone Media.
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All Zone Media.
Speaker 2 (00:05):
Welcome to can Happening here.
Speaker 3 (00:07):
I'm Andrew Sage from the YouTube channel Andrewism and I'm
joined again by James Andrew Welcome back time to talk
about political cults again.
Speaker 2 (00:17):
Oh good fine.
Speaker 3 (00:19):
Continuing with the work of Dennis Tourist and Tim Wolforth
in their book on the Edge Political Cults Left and Right.
I've spoken before about the cult recruitment process, the contractory
positions held by cult members, ideological totalism, and the commonalities
of political cults, including rigid belief systems, immunity to fortification, authoritarianism,
(00:40):
arbitrary leadership, the verification of leaders, intense activism, and the
use of loaded language. And speaking of loaded language. I
know that some people don't like the term cult because
it is, you know, very charged. I prefer personally. I
know that other terms are used, such as high control
groups or new religious movements, but I'm sticking to cults.
(01:06):
My question for you, James, do you think that you
would be susceptible to a cult?
Speaker 4 (01:14):
One hopes not. We spoke about like authoritarian personalities before,
and I wonder if there's something similar for people who
end up in cults. But I'm sure there's something that
could get any of us. You know, we all have
our like susceptibilities to these things. But I hope it
wouldn't be for sure.
Speaker 3 (01:31):
I mean, one would like to think, you know, yeah,
I'm feel different, you know, I would.
Speaker 2 (01:36):
Into a cult.
Speaker 3 (01:37):
But you know, really, especially considering the the paucity of
community these days, it's a little wonder that's many people
find a home in such harmful and abusive spaces. So
previously I've touched on the Laruche movements, the Newman Tendency,
(02:00):
and the United Red Army of Japan, the latter of
which ended up killing some people. Today we'll be looking
at another case study, not nearly as extreme, but still
quite abusive, this time the infamous Marlene Dixon and her
Democratic Workers Party.
Speaker 2 (02:17):
Oh fun times, fun times.
Speaker 3 (02:19):
Indeed, I also got some information on Dixon's activity, not
just from on the Edge, but also from the book
Bounded Choice, True Believers and Charismatic Cults by Janja Lalich,
who was actually a member of Dixon's Democratic Workers' Party
for ten years. I like that a lot of books
written a bold cults are written by former cult members.
Speaker 4 (02:41):
Yeah, I mean, I think it can be like the
point you raised your initial question, right, Like everyone likes
to think they're specially and not susceptible, And I can
see how books written about them could be written from
a place of like condescension or you know, other ring.
So I think it's always good when folks who have
survived these things could write about them.
Speaker 3 (03:00):
Yeah, for sure, for sure. I mean, one of the
authors on the Edge, Tim wolf If he was also
part of a Trotskyist cult. So these are people who
are speaking from experience.
Speaker 4 (03:10):
Yeah. I was writing about cults long before I started
this podcast, So there was some weird cut like behaviors
and endurance sports. And I spoke to an expert and
she also was a survivor and introduced me to some
other survivors of some more sort of classic left political cults.
And like, it wasn't something I ever really felt comfortable
(03:31):
like narrating their experiences. I would rather they narrate their experiences.
It was really interesting to see how many of them
were like so willing to write about it and to
talk about it and wanted to educate people about it.
Speaker 2 (03:43):
Yeah.
Speaker 3 (03:44):
I mean, one of the reasons I'm particularly passionate about
political cults is just the way that they sap the energy,
the passion, and the drive the potential of what should be.
You know, people involved a really positive change, they end
up getting sucked in and their energies get sapped by
(04:06):
these causes by these leaders that just sort of divertes
their potential trajectory.
Speaker 2 (04:13):
Yeah.
Speaker 4 (04:13):
Absolutely, I think anyone who was active in the United
States on the left in twenty twenty can attest to
the ability of some of these groups to just cut
the soul out of a popular movement which was making
a positive difference at one point.
Speaker 2 (04:29):
Right, So let's get into it.
Speaker 3 (04:32):
Marlene Dixon was born into a family that valued education
and intellectual pursuit. From a young age, she was immoved
in an environment that fostered deep appreciation for learning and
critical thinking, and this foundation significantly influenced her future path
set in the stage for her academic and political endeavors.
Growing up, Dickson showed an early interest in sociology, a
(04:55):
field that would later to become her academic and professional focus.
She pursued higher edu with a passion, earning her undergraduate
degree and going on to complete a PhD in sociology
in the University of California. The doctoral studies were marked
by a rigorous exploration of social structures and equalities. Themes
were resonate throughout her career. As a sociology professor, Dickson's
(05:19):
classroom was more than just a place for academic instruction.
It was a forum for radical ideas and critical debate.
Her teaching was infused with a strong feminist perspective, challenging
traditional notions and encouraging students to question societal norms. This
feminist ideology was not just an academic interest, but a
driving force behind her activism and the formation of my
(05:41):
political beliefs. However, even early on again in science, that
something's a bit awry. According to some of her former
students and colleagues. It was also during those years which
became interested in mass social psychology and group behavior modification.
She studied Raber J. Lufton's work and thought her. She
studied and admired total communities, accults, and other directed methods
(06:05):
of behavioral control such as alcoholics anonymous. She believed that
these programs provided positive ways to change people. Dixon's early
academic career also provided her with a platform to connect
with like minded individuals who shared her passion for social justice.
These connections were proved crucial as she moved beyond the
confines of academia and into the world of radical, pritical activism.
(06:28):
Her political awakening came during a time of significant social
and political upheaval. The sixties and seventies were decades marked
by civil rights movements, anti war protests, and a crowing
disillusionment with the status coop. Dixon was deeply influenced by
the principles of Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism. Marxism provided her
with a free for understanding class struggle and exploitation inherent
(06:50):
and capitalist societies. Menin's organizational principles, particularly the concept of
the vanguard party, were also integral to Dixon's political thought. Argued,
of course, that a disciplined, centralized party was necessary to
lead the wilding class to revolution. Dixon adopted this idea wholeheartedly,
seeing the need for a tightly controlled, hierarchical organization to
(07:12):
con guide the proletaria towards socialism. Mao Sadong's influence on
Dixon was particularly evident in her approage to internal party dynamics.
Mao's emphasis on continuous revolution and self criticism as tools
for maintaining ideological purity resonated with Dixon. She implemented rigorous
criticism and self criticism sessions within her future party, a
(07:35):
practice that aimed to eliminate boucheor tendencies and reinforced commitment
to the party's goals. Dixon's political engagement wasn't limited to
theoretical discussions. She was actively involved in radical movements, participating
in protests and organizing efforts as we are to challenge
existing power structures. Her activism extended beyond national borders, as
(07:56):
she connected with international revolutionary movements and drew inspiration for
their struggles. The combination of these influences and experiences led
to the founding of the Democratic Worker's Party in nineteen
seventy four. Dixon's vision for the Democratic Worker's Party or
(08:22):
DWP was deeply rooted in this idea of Leninist democratic centralism,
Maoist self critique, and Marxist anti capitalism. But beyond Marx,
Lenin and Mao, the New Communist Movement or NCM played
a significant role in shape and Dixon's approach. The NCM
was a diverse collection of groups that emerged in the
late nineteen sixties and early nineteen seventies, advocating for a
(08:45):
revitalized communist movement in the United States. The NCM sought
to build new Marxist Leninist organizations that could address the
shortcomings of the old left and provide a fresh, militant alternative.
Speaker 2 (08:57):
Dixon was of.
Speaker 3 (08:58):
Course, deeply inspired by the NCAA emphasis on billion and
revolutionary vanguard, and his commitment to rigorous theoretical work and
practical activism. At the time, the EWP was getting a
lot of credit for being one of the few feminists
and women led organizations in the new Communist movement, which
allowed the group to draw radicals from leftist circles as
(09:18):
well as the women's movement and the gay movement. When
most NCM groups were virulently a homophobic and dismissive of feminism,
the DWP had a unique alert billion. In her political career,
Marlinne Dixon also contributed theoretically to the DWP with the
concept of proletarian and feminism, which allowed the DWP to
(09:39):
stand up both against class prejudice and sexism and for
the equality of all people. Over time, though her concept
of proletaria and feminism became less prominent in the DWP's
approach and in their literature. In the early stages, the
concept of proletarian feminism attracted a lot of people, including
(10:00):
Jan Jalilich, the author of Bounded Choice, who had been
part of the WP. The early days of the WP
were marked by a significant effort to recruit and train
new members. Dixon and her close associates focused on building
a cadre of dedicated revolutionaries who were deeply committed to
the party schools. These numbers were not just activists, but
ideological soldiers, appeared to dedicate their lives.
Speaker 2 (10:23):
To the cause of socialism.
Speaker 3 (10:25):
Recruitment often targets had young intellectuals and activists who disillusioned
with mainstream politics and eager for radical change. In this
early period, the parties organized study groups, protests, and community
outreach programs, all aimed at raising political consciousness and building
support for the party's revolutionary agenda. Dixon's chism and intellectual
(10:46):
rigor inspired many, but her leadership style also had its challenges.
Billy on, she had very authoritarian tendencies influenced by her
admiration for Mao Zadan, and it led to a highly
controlled and often repressive internal atmosphere. Members were subjugated to
rigorous criticism and self criticism sessions, and these sessions could
(11:11):
be psychologically taxing, creating an atmosphere of constant scrutiny and pressure.
This is exemplary of social psychologist Anthony Pratkanis and Eliot
Aronson's seven step guide to create in a political cult,
which included crucially maintaining a rigid internal regime. In these
early years, we can also see the signs of the
other steps, such as creating a distinct social reality, building
(11:34):
commitment through dissonance reduction, sending members to proselytize, and fixating
members on a promised land, the promised land being, of course,
international communism. The DWP grew steadily in its early years.
Full time members core of cadres or militants typically numbered
between one hundred and twenty five and one hundred and
fifty people, but in certain periods there were between three
(11:56):
hundred and one thousand members at various creeds of affiliation.
One of the WP's primary areas of focus was labor
organizer Dixon and her colleagues saw the labor movement as
a critical battleground for the struggle against capitalism, and they
dedicated significant resources to supporting labor strikes, organizing union drives,
and advocating for workers' rights. The DWP's members often worked
(12:19):
closely with existing labor unions, providing support and promoting a
more radical, class conscious approach to labor activism, and this
involvement helped party gain credibility and trust among workers, who
saw the WP as genuine allies in their struggle. Members
were also active in campaigns for affordable housing, health care,
(12:39):
and education, working to build coalitions with other progressive organizations
and community groups. Political education was another cornerstone of the activities.
Dixon believed that a well informed and ideologically grounded membership
was essential for the party's success, so they had regular
study groups with jobs and lectures and Marxist theory, current events,
and revolutionary stratetum, and These activities are not limited to members,
(13:03):
but were also used as tools for outreach. Eventually, the
party's activities extended beyond its initial base in San Francisco
and reached other parts of California, even gaining attention on
a national scale. Dixon's ability to connect with other radical
movements and her strategic vision for the d WP's role
in the broad revolutionary struggle had played a significant part
(13:23):
in this growth, but despite their successes, behind the scenes
was not too hot, to put it lightly. While Dixon's
theoretical acumen and charm had attracted many to her cause,
her methods of maintaining control within the party with what
gave it its cult connotations. One of the central aspects
(13:44):
of Dixon's control was her personal domination over the party
and its members. Dixon established herself as the undisputed leader
of the DWP, demanding absolute loyalty and obedience. Leylash described
her as a large, loud woman who exuded a type
of charisma that could be difficult for outsiders to comprehend.
Her personal style was abrasive, and she was stern and domineering. Nonetheless,
(14:08):
Dixon was able to exact commitment from her followers and
entailed devotion to her person and undying defense of her
actions as their leader. So we see a peculiar and
almost quanting resemblance to other historical movements like Heaven's Gates.
On the surface, they seem worlds apart. One is steeped
in political ideology, the other in spiritual salvation. But dive
(14:30):
deeper and I you'll find that the currents beneath their
surface flow with striking similarities. Take for instance, the role
of charisma like Apple White and the nettles of Heaven's Gate.
Dixon used words as her craft, her instrument, speaking to
eager audiences. We even a vision of hope that drew
people in. She wasn't just persuasive, she was magnetic. She
(14:53):
created a myth for herself that seemed to fit with
the revolutionary zie guist at the time. Lalish describes that
when she first joined the party, Dixon was a towering
presence who created an intense, almost sacred bond with them.
That speaks of how the followers were awed by her,
desperate to follow her vision, willing to endure her criticism
(15:13):
just to stay in her good graces. And when Dixon
would spend some time away and came back, they would
spend long, cruel and meetings where she would dissect every
decision they made and criticize everything they did in her absence,
showing them all the ways they had fallen short. It
was brutal, but also reinforced her authority over them, as
(15:35):
they wanted to get her approval at all times. One
of her documents on the development of Leninist democracy, told
the followers that the leadership was about authority, not popularity,
and whether we liked her or not, we had to
accept as the ultimate authority in the party. Later also
says that they were made to believe that being part
(15:55):
of the WP was a privilege. Authority wasn't just accepted,
it was revered, and this was the foundation of their
relationship with Dixon. She was the leader, the guiding force,
and they were the followers, committed, obedient, and always seeking
her approval. And yet there was a secret at the
heart of herler She was a myth maker. Her backstory
(16:17):
was curated, embellished to paint herself as a champion of
civil rights when the reality was far less dramatic. Systems
of control was another area where the DWP and Heaven's
(16:38):
Gates shared common ground. Both groups thrived on a mix
of carrot and stick promises of a better future, harsh
discipline for failure. Leaders would live apart from their followers,
hidden away while their followers toiled and sacrificed. Every day
was a test, every misstep a reason for criticism, and
leaders were never revealing themselves fully. They created a distance.
(17:00):
They were heightened their mystique and their authority. In the WP,
there was a very strict hierarchy and chain of command.
Dixon was at this top. She had a selight few
leaders below her, and decisions were made top down. Democratic centralism,
which was a Leninist tactic that theoretically allowed for debate
(17:22):
and democracy, was really there to enforce obedience. Members were
also split into tears. You had trial members, candidate members,
and general members, each level carrier on distinct privileges and obligations.
An advancement was up to Dixon. She decided who leveled
up in the party. Sanctions for rule violations ranged from
(17:46):
increased duties to expulsion, the severest being expulsion with prejudice
effectively erase in the individual from party history and the
party's first purge, notably the quote unquote Lesbian Purge, exemplified
Dixon's control tactics. As a target had perceived threat within
the group and set a precedent for internal purchase that
(18:06):
instilled fair.
Speaker 2 (18:07):
And loyalty among the members.
Speaker 3 (18:10):
And then, lastly, there was transcendent belief, another area where
Heaven's Skates and the DWP had common ground. For Heav'ts
Skate it was about transcendent human life to reach a
higher plane of existence. For the WP, it was about
transforming society, reaching utopia through class struggle. The daily life
of DWP members was highly regimented. Dixon had strict routines
(18:32):
and expectations demanded complete dedication to the party's activities. Members
were subjected to intense scrutiny, particularly those of the evil
middle class backgrounds, and this method of course effectively suppressed
descent and ensured the members remained tightly bound to Dixon's vision.
This rerelent the schedule that had them within long hours,
(18:54):
both in their day jobs and unparty related tasks, left
them little time for pursuits or outside relationships, which also
helped Dixon maintain control over their lives. By limited members
interactions with outsiders, Dixon minimized the risk of external influences
underminding her authority, and the isolation extended to live in
arrangements as well as members lived community, which further reinforced
(19:16):
their dependence on the party and their separation from mainstream society.
The combination of these control mechanisms created a highly controlled
and insular environment within the WP, as members were constantly
monitored by both Dixon and the other payers to ensure
that any deviation from the party lying was quickly identified
and addressed. The use of fair guilt and psychological manipulation
(19:38):
kept members in line. Of course, the control was not
just psychological. It was physical, because when you're isolated and
you're working all the time, your body is going to
break down. You're exhausted, your burnt out, and the emotional
strain of constant criticism doesn't exactly help either. But all
of this were to keep party members in their place.
(19:59):
The controversies surround the WP's methods and leadership eventually drew
attention from both within the leftist movement and from external observers.
Critics argue that Dixon's authoritarianism when the party's cut like
practices were antithetical to the principles of socialism and genuine
revolutionary activity, but these criticisms did little to all to
the internal dynamics of the WP During its peak. In
(20:21):
the early days, Dixon had followers truly believed the revolution
was just around the corner. By the nineteen eighties, recruitment
was faltering, purges was narrow in the organization's focus, and
the WP's aggressive tactics had led to conflict with other
leftist groups. Dixon had grown dissolution. She had begun to
(20:42):
see the local struggles they were taking part in as
insignificant as mere reformist gestures. She moved the party from
distributing a local newspaper to publishing dense academic journals. She
developed the stain for world systems theory, which had once
been a guiding light in her movement, and rejected it
as anti socialist and cynical. In her eyes, the United
(21:05):
States working class was no longer a beacon for evolution. Instead,
she placed her faith in the USSR in Eastern Europe,
in distant lands where she believed the future of socialism lay.
Her frequent travels to conferences in Europe and her focus
on theoretical debates alienated her members, as the heart of
their struggle had been replaced with her distant, abstract vision
(21:25):
that none of them could grasp. But the real breaking
point came with her change in strategies. Dixon began to
see the Petibo Rossi as potential allies instead of enemies,
as they had always been a radical shit from ideology
that her party had been taught beyond all that her
drinking had become more uncontrolled than usual, and her abuse
of the members had increased. So in late nineteen eighty five,
(21:49):
a few of her members decided that enough was enough.
While Dixon was away on one of her many trips,
they gathered in secret, shared their frustrations, and they'd bear
the truth over what had become of the party. When
Dixon returned, she was met with the harshest reality of war.
They told her that the party was over, that she
was expelled, and that they were dissolving the party. Her
(22:10):
reaction was, of course, a mix of disbelief and anger,
and a final bit of confrontation in the collapse of
everything she had built. Afterwards, there was of course a
mess to clean up. The members, having endured abuse for
so long, including financial abuse, took it upon themselves to
divide the assets amongst themselves. As a final small compensation
(22:31):
for the years they had given. Each person received a
poetry sum, a mere fraction of what they had invested.
But at last, the party's ideological crises, weakened leadership and
internal strife resulted in the organization's dissolution. The party was
indeed over, and they could start their.
Speaker 2 (22:50):
Life a new.
Speaker 1 (22:55):
It Could Happen Here as a production of cool Zone Media.
For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website
coolzonemedia dot com or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,
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find sources for It could Happen Here, updated monthly at
coolzonemedia dot com slash sources. Thanks for listening.
It Could Happen Here News
Hosts And Creators
Robert Evans
Garrison Davis
James Stout
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