Episode 8: Popeye Jackson

Despite being found not guilty of drug possession, radical activist Popeye Jackson faces revocation of his parole. The FBI recruits Sara Jane Moore to be an informant on the Bay Area radical underground.

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Episode Transcript

Speaker 1 (00:02):
Rip Current is a production of iHeart Podcasts. The views
and opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect those if the host, producers,
or parent company. Listener discretion is advised.

Speaker 2 (00:18):
At ten thirty pm on August twenty eighth, nineteen seventy three,
radical activist Popeye Jackson was arrested by two plane clothed
San Francisco police officers for possession and intent to sell
heroin and possession of marijuana. The officers did not have
a warrant to search the car that Popeye was driving.

(00:39):
They would later say that Popeye not only gave them
permission to search the car, but actually helped with the search.
People who knew Popeye would dispute this, arguing that there
was no way he would have permitted the search. In fact,
he frequently advised people to never let the police search
their car unless they had a warrant, whether the search

(01:01):
was legal or illegal. The cops discovered seven balloons containing
heroin and depending on the source, either two or five
joints hidden in a sneaker. Jackson was on parole after
a stint for burglary and robbery convictions. This was potentially
a catastrophic incident Popeye claimed the arrest was a setup

(01:25):
why it had been stopped in the first place. The
police claimed that the previous night, the twenty seventh, they
had arrested a woman named Sandy Parma for prostitution. According
to the police, Parma gave them the tip that Popeye
would have drugs with him. When the defense lawyers contacted Parma, however,
she denied that she had done so. Then she disappeared

(01:48):
and never resurfaced. On September tenth, two weeks after the arrest,
a twenty two year old woman named Jessica Vodquin held
a press conference organized by a radical group called Fenceramos,
using the alias Jessica Marie Gilman. Vodquin had worked part
time for Popeye's organization, the United Prisoners Union or UPU,

(02:13):
but Vodquin said she had actually been an informer for
the San Francisco Police Department and the FBI. She had
been paid to find information about Venceamos and the UPU.
She said that she had been informing on Popeye for
the last nine months. She'd once borrowed his car and
driven to police headquarters where it was illegally searched. She'd

(02:35):
stolen keys, to the UPU office so that she could
access documents, including the list of former prisoners involved in
the UPU and Popeye's address book. She said that she
knew that Pope's arrest was a frame up, and that
the police had illegally recorded conversations that Popeye had with
his lawyer in a room specifically created for confidential conversations

(02:59):
between attorneys and clients. Police told her. She said that
Popeye was their number one target and that he'd been
under twenty four hour surveillance. This was a bombshell. Lending
credence to her story was the officer who served as
her contact with the San Francisco Police, Alexander Jason. Just

(03:20):
six months before, the head of the San Francisco State
University journalism department protested to the police department that Jason had,
for eighteen months pretended to be a student reporter for
a couple of different school publications in order to get
information about A. Vanceramo's study group on campus. He had
eventually been sniffed out by Venceramo's members and his cover

(03:44):
was blown. Now months later, the informant that he had
inside the UPU was accusing him of breaking the law
to try to convict Popeye. Popeye demanded that he'd be
given a lie detector test to clear himself of the charges.
The States said that red tape prevented this from happening.
The police did admit that they performed the search of

(04:06):
the car that Jessica Vadquin had brought them, and that
they taped the conversations at the jail, and then Jessica
Vodquin recanted. While under protective detention by the police, she
released a public statement that she had been threatened at
knife point by UPU members, demanding that she lie for Popeye.

(04:28):
This retraction was viewed suspiciously. Still, even without her testimony,
there seemed to be enough questions surrounding the arrest to
make a guilty verdict unlikely. Popeye testified that he did
not use heroin and had strong feelings about it because
his wife, pat Singer, had been addicted and his son

(04:49):
had been born with withdrawal symptoms. He also testified that
he had recently been subject to police harassment, being stopped
at least twenty five times in the two weeks leading
up to his arrest. In the end, the jury deliberated
for five hours and found Popeye not guilty, but this
did not end his legal peril. In California, there was

(05:13):
a panel of eight political appointees that could revoke a
person's parole for any reason. For Popeye, this could mean
returning to prison indefinitely. The radical newspaper The Berkeley Barb
wrote this about the situation.

Speaker 1 (05:29):
This panel of flat foot lifers with jute mill manager mentalities,
who've probably spent more time around the joint than most cons,
will be particularly vicious with Popeye Jackson because, perhaps more
than any other man in the state of California, Popeye
has worked to bring their activities to public attention. So
even though Popeye has committed no crime, broken no rule,

(05:52):
they can jerk his parole and send him back for life.

Speaker 2 (05:57):
A hearing on his parole revocation was set for the
following April. It was with this threat hanging over him
that Popeye Jackson established himself as a leader at the
People in Need program and met Sarah Jane Moore. I'm
Toby Ball.

Speaker 3 (06:15):
And I'm Mary Catherine Garrison, and this is rip current.

Speaker 4 (06:23):
Greeting to the people. This is Tanya. On April fifteenth,
my comrades and I expropriated ten thousand, six hundred and
sixty dollars and two cents from the Sunset branch the
Hibernia Bank.

Speaker 3 (06:39):
Episode eight, Popeye Jackson.

Speaker 2 (06:49):
Why would the police be after Popeye Jackson? He was
forty three years old and had spent nineteen of those
years in the California Correctional system on a robbery charge
reportedly stemming from ten missing dollars. He'd emerged from prison
in nineteen seventy as the founder and president of the UPU,
one of several radical groups with a presence both inside

(07:13):
and outside prison walls. Once released, Jackson quickly became a
presence in the Bay Area. He was a member of
the Western Edition Project Alliance, a youth director for Seven Steps,
a drug counselor with Reality House West, and the founder
of the Drug Research Program. He was also an original

(07:33):
member of the Board of Directors of the San Francisco
Council on Drug Abuse. He gave talks and community centers
and schools on issues from the dangers of drugs to
what could be done about racism in Boston. While this
work might seem admirable today as well as to many
people at the time, at the height of the Cold War,

(07:53):
many of these efforts were seen as influenced, if not
directly the result of communism. This marked Popeye and other
radical activists as in the eyes of Middle America anti American.
Popeye had come to activism while a prisoner in the
California penal system. He was in prison during a particularly

(08:14):
fertile time for radical thought, led by individuals like George
Jackson and organizations like the Black Gorilla Family. Jackson, the BGF,
and many other prison radicals were openly Marxist, which of
course alarmed authorities. For a more in depth look at
prison radicalism, listen to the Prison Radicalism Bonus episodes. They

(08:38):
are available now for iHeart True Crime Plus listeners and
will be available on all podcast apps at the end
of this season. But in short, radicals saw the penal
system as an extreme microcosm of society at large, dominated
by racist systems of control. This is civil rights leader

(08:59):
Angela Davis talking about systemic racism in a nineteen seventy
two interview.

Speaker 5 (09:06):
In the whole history of the United States, the impact
of racism had been to attempt to contain Black people,
has been to attempt to stifle the desires towards liberation
One of the ways in which this is accomplished is

(09:26):
by trying to convince those people that they're completely pouloss
before this huge apparatus, and that the police can just
come into the community and put someone out kill them,
as they have done on many many occadence in the house.
Charge them was something they didn't do railroad into physions,
send them to the gas chamber. This is just one

(09:49):
of the many ways that the system and it's not
a contrive effort in the sense that it's done consciously
by a few men up at the top. It's built
into the system. It's built into our it built into
the nature the society. And getting back to the question
of what a revolutionary is, a black revolutionary realizes that

(10:14):
we cannot begin to combat lycism, we cannot begin to
effectively destroy racism until we destroyed the whole system.

Speaker 2 (10:24):
And again, prison was seen as exemplifying on a small scale,
the racist system of society as a whole.

Speaker 6 (10:33):
One thing that's really important to understand about California in
some ways, in particular California at this time period, although
it's not exclusive to California, it's how much the prison
system is governing through racism. My name is Dan Berger.
I'm a professor of Comparative Ethnic Studies at the University
of Washington, Baffo. So the prison system uses racism as

(10:56):
a way to keep people apart and to either introduce
or foster divisions between incarcerated people. And part of that
is that prisoners outnumber guards. And so one way that
prisons maintain social order is through cells. Through there's the
physical infrastructure that they use. There is the presence of guards.

(11:19):
By guards amplified that by fitting prisoners against each other,
and race became the way that they did that. Race
and to some extent, geography, so where in California people
were from. And so what I think radicals had to
do when George Jackson did this, I think Popeye tried
to do this as well, was to bridge those divides,

(11:42):
to try to get people to work with each other,
at least around some core issues against the prison system. Right,
this idea that the prison system was the real enemy,
whatever differences divide us.

Speaker 2 (11:55):
Popeye Jackson felt as though his prison activism should benefit
all prisoners. Here's Popeye talking about the prison system strategy
of division on a KPFA radio documentary about the plight
of gay men in California prisons.

Speaker 7 (12:12):
But we don't like to isolate the gay people from
any other convicts in the prison because we understand that
in order to deal with distant situation, we have to
work together. We have to help everybody in prison, not
just gay people or not just some other guy who
is not a gay person, because everybody at prison is
subjected to the same subjectivity, because the men are using
the gaze to play on the convicts and the contracts

(12:33):
to play on the gaze. So it's the same way
it divide us, and we can't do that ourselves. We
can't define ourselves out here. We know the man is
constantly continually dividing us. If they're not divide us between
gays and other straight so called great people in prison,
well with they divide us in racial manner. They put
white against black, black against brown, red against yellow. They
constantly and continue to instigate and agitate racial attacks on

(12:56):
people in prison.

Speaker 2 (13:00):
Guards and officials used a variety of tactics to maintain
an atmosphere of confrontation among different groups of people in prison,
largely based on racial identity.

Speaker 8 (13:12):
So they would spread rumors to for example, the white
population that, oh, the black prisoners are plotting, which would
not be true. They would just say this because they
were trying to keep an environment that would prevent them
from ever having any sort of realization that actually, we're
all incarcerated and officers are above all of us.

Speaker 2 (13:34):
This is Brittany Friedman, assistant professor of sociology at the
University of Southern California.

Speaker 8 (13:42):
But the officers kept trying to foster a unity across
these boundaries to use for their own strategic ends, because
we know what ends up happening to some of the
groups that they united with. They were uniting with people
who ended up founding the Arean Brotherhood. But we know
that over time the Arian Brotherhood is no longer useful.
They do end up being locked up in Pelican Bay

(14:06):
in other super federal facilities actually, but in the early
stages in the fifties, sixties, seventies, they are very useful
for the type of control strategies that I'm talking about
to keep this separation. I like to think of it
as old school divide and conquered.

Speaker 2 (14:26):
Brittany is describing a situation where for a time, the
mostly white prison guards allied themselves with the Aryan Brotherhood,
a white supremacist prison gang, in an attempt to control
the black prison population. Racial identity trumped the prisoner guard
divide in a response to a growing number of black prisoners.

Speaker 8 (14:48):
During that time period. In the sixties, you see a
big influx of black people into California prisons, many of
whom do self identify as either black militants or having
a allegiances, affiliations, or affinities for the Black freedom struggle,
which makes sense, right they're coming in from the outside.

(15:09):
But also in the sixties you have a very strong
contingent of white incarcerated people who are also bringing with
them their own societal allegiances, their own ideas from the
fifties and sixties about what black freedom would be and
their prejudices against it. They're also bringing in their experiences

(15:30):
in different organized groups, so for example, bikers were very
influential in the founding of the Area and Brotherhood. They're
bringing in all of these ideologies and cultural frames that
are very anti black at the time, and so in
the sixties, this is really creating a recipe for potential disaster.
But what the Department of Corrections does, and in particular officers.

(15:54):
White officers at the time begin to see the white
incarcerated parts population, especially the self identified white supremacist population,
as allies. As allies in a similar fight.

Speaker 2 (16:10):
The prison radicals of the late sixties and seventies had
experienced the consequences of this two pronged system of repression
from both prison authorities and racist white prisoners in the
violent California penal system. The parole board had the authority
to send Popeye back to this environment that he knew
all too well. What Popeye couldn't know was that a

(16:33):
middle aged accountant named Sarah Jane Moore would prove a
greater danger to him, but there was no sign of
this when they first met. After the break, with the
threat of his parole revocation hearing hanging over his head,

(16:55):
Popeye Jackson went to work at the People in Need program,
assisting in Randolph Hurst's rushed and chaotic effort to get
food to the Bay Areas poor. As Sarah Jane noticed,
he assumed an authority based on his strong personality and
status within the radical community. This authority showed itself in

(17:16):
different ways. Patty hurst fiance Stephen Weed, related a story
in which Popeye was present at a meeting where PIN
overseer Ludlow Kramer was criticized for the difficulties that dyd
encountered getting the food trucks to the distribution sites. Kramer
said they were doing the best they could. In front

(17:36):
of the assembled organizers, Popeye called into question the effort
being put forward by the PIN hierarchy. White people, he asserted,
could make it happen if they were committed. He publicly
challenged Kramer's commitment. Later, the San Francisco Examiner quoted Governor
Ronald Reagan as saying about PIN, I just think there's

(17:58):
a characteristic on the part of people that they like
something for nothing. As a counterpoint to that statement, the
paper quoted Popeye is saying, it's terrible that we have
to stoop to things like the Simbonese Liberation Army to
feed people. The PIN food distributions finished on March twenty fifth,
nineteen seventy four, less than a month before Popeye's parole

(18:21):
revocation hearing. But while the distribution was complete, there was
still work to be done in the warehouse and in
the accounting for all the incoming and outgoing purchases and donations.
Sarah Jane and Popeye were among the many people who
remained to do this work. Sarah Jane found Popeye to
be both personally and politically impressive. She asked him to

(18:45):
educate her on the politics of the left. She attended
United Prisoners Union benefits and events in order to strengthen
her ties to him. Randolph First was desperate for any
possible leads to Patty's whereabouts. He, like Sarah Jane, had
noticed Popeye in the pin Warehouse and learned about Popeye's
connection with the radical world. Pop I met with Hurst

(19:09):
and came away with a sense that Hurst thought highly
of him. His wife pat Singer would later say Popeye
believed Hurst had respect for him as a man and
that hearst recognized that he was getting fucked over, getting
fucked over by the State of California through its threat
to revoke his parole. Popeye suggested to Hurst that he

(19:30):
could make informal contact with the SLA. Sarah Jane would
serve as a go between for the two men. Author
Jerry Spieler Popeye was very powerful politically, you know, in
the movement in San Francisco.

Speaker 9 (19:46):
He knew everybody and everybody knew him, So, you know,
if Randolph Hurst could see that Popeye could help him,
he certainly, you know, because it wanted to protect him
from prison and be able to help him get his daughterback,
because Popeye would have communication available that nobody else would.

Speaker 2 (20:06):
It's hard to know how hopeful Hurst was that Popeye
could actually follow through on this offer, but he was
eager to maintain good relations with the radical left, and
he had something that Popeye needed, the power of the press.
Hurst owned the San Francisco Examiner, and whether or not
there was a formal deal, the Examiner put its weight

(20:27):
behind Popeye. In advance of the parole revocation hearing. On
April seventh, the paper published an article about the upcoming hearing,
focusing on Popeye's community and prison reform work. Two days later,
it ran an editorial titled It's Wrong, opposing revocation of
Popeye's parole. It read, in part, we.

Speaker 1 (20:51):
Admit to prejudice about Popeye. We've seen him in action
the United Prisoners Union, which he had acted as an
observer of the People in Need program set up after
the Patricia Hurst kidnapping. We've seen him help would help
was needed.

Speaker 2 (21:07):
Disconnection with Hurst would later be used against Popeye.

Speaker 3 (21:13):
Sarah Jane facilitated the relationship between Popeye and Randolph Hurst
at the same time she was contacted by the FBI.
The FBI had, of course, been involved in the investigation
of Patty Hurst kidnapping and had been in and out
of Hearst's office at Penn headquarters. In this environment where
seemingly everyone was watching everyone else, the agent running the

(21:33):
investigation noticed Sarah Jane and saw possibilities.

Speaker 9 (21:38):
The FBI and Charlie Bates, who was the agent in charge,
saw Sarah Jane as somebody who was connecting with many
different people at Penn and did connect with Popeye Jackson,
and they saw her as somebody because she didn't look
like a radical. She still very much dressed like the

(22:01):
neighbor lady or the housewife in Danville, so she could
sort of enter into these areas that other people couldn't.

Speaker 3 (22:10):
Charlie Bates approached Sarah Jane and she agreed to a meeting.
She discussed this meeting at length in a prison interview
with Playboy in nineteen seventy six. As instructed by Charlie,
she called a number the next morning during her coffee
break and was told to stand at a specific street
corner and wait for someone to come get her. She
did so and was picked up by a green car

(22:31):
with an agent named Bert Worthington in the backseat. Worthington
would become Sarah Jane's control officer. In this meeting, Moore
says she told the FBI agent that Popeye had offered
to be the conduit for communications between Hurst and the SLA.
The FBI was dubious that the SLA would trust Popeye,
but still it was not out of the question. At

(22:53):
a later meeting, they asked Sarah Jane if she knew
a particular person in the radical world. Sarah Jane said
she'd met him a couple of times. The FBI thought
that this was the most likely person to be able
to communicate with the SLA. Sarah Jane has never revealed
this man's name. She refers to him as Tom, and
his advice to her plays a critical role in her

(23:13):
life over the next year and a half. She told Playboy,
when the FBI agents told me they thought Tom was
in touch with the SLA, I had you're joking. They
assured me they were not. I agreed to work with
them and Tom became my target, but that didn't mean
pulling away from Popeye yet.

Speaker 9 (23:33):
I think Sarah Jane, she never said this, but other
people have thought it, was very attracted to Popeye because
of his power in the political community. He was just
a very powerful guy. And she also the FBI wanted
her to make sure she befriended him because of who
he was and what he knew. So she asked Popeye

(23:58):
to sort of mentor her into the radical community. And
so that was their relationship, and Popeye saw an opportunity
for somebody to infiltrate things that maybe other people couldn't
because Sarah Jane did not fit or look like the
mold of the radical in Berkeley or in San Francisco.

(24:19):
She just didn't fit that mold. Sarah Jane looked very
middle class matron, would sort of stand out as somebody
may be safe. They wouldn't take her seriously because she
didn't look the part, and in some ways that can
be an advantage that people may not take you seriously
and then say things in front of you that they

(24:40):
don't think you get.

Speaker 3 (24:45):
Six days after, the San Francisco Examiner ran its editorial
calling for Popeye Jackson's parole to be kept in place.
The world got its first look at Patty Hurst since
the kidnapping. She had taken on a new name given
to her by the Symbionese Liberation Army, Tanya.

Speaker 4 (25:01):
Greeting to the people, this is Tanya. On April fifteenth,
my comrades and I expropriated ten thousand, six hundred and
sixty dollars and two cents from the Sunset branch of
the Hibernia Bank.

Speaker 10 (25:16):
Eye witnesses say that as bank robberies go, this one
was extremely well planned. FBI agents say the girl identified
as Patty Hurst stood right about here, her right hand
either on the trigger of the gun or near her pocket,
and she was apparently aiming at between five and eight
bank employees and customers who were ordered face down behind

(25:38):
these counters.

Speaker 4 (25:40):
I was positioned so that I could hold customers and
bank personnel who were on the floor. My gun was loaded,
and at no time did any of my comrades intentionally
point their guns at me.

Speaker 10 (25:52):
Another one of the sla women in her gun stood
about here. Now she had a great view of all
the tellers and all the other people in the banks.

Speaker 4 (26:01):
I am a soldier and the People's Army Patria. On Wednesday, Sensormaster.

Speaker 7 (26:10):
Fascius in sick Place upon the life.

Speaker 10 (26:13):
Of the people.

Speaker 3 (26:17):
For seventy one days, the nation had fretted about Patty's
fate at the hands of the SLA. Now she had
appeared as a gun toting comrade of her abductors and
a violent bank robbery. Two men were wounded by gunshots
when one unknowingly entered the bank during the robbery. A
jarring photo of Patty aka Tanya, wielding a semi automatic

(26:37):
weapon in the bank ran in newspapers around the world.
On April twenty fourth, a new communicate taking credit for
the bank robbery appeared, some of which you just heard.
Public opinion changed. Patty Hurst had gone from victim suddenly
to radical terrorists. It's hard to overstate how shocking this was.

(27:01):
Popeye's parole revocation hearing was set to be held at
San Quentin State Penitentiary on April twenty third, nineteen seventy four.
On the evening of the twenty first, six days after
the Hibernia bank robbery, an indoor rally of about one
hundred people was held at a community center in the
Mission District of San Francisco to show support for Popeye.

(27:22):
Stephen Weed was there and wrote about what happened at
the end in his book. The story he laid out
was corroborated by press accounts. Weed says that he left
the building and ran into a radio reporter he knew,
along with a female friend. Weed stopped and talked with
them on the sidewalk. A police cruiser pulled up to
them and asked for identification. Weed and the reporter showed theirs,

(27:42):
but the woman said she didn't have hers. This was
a problem because the police thought that she looked like
Nancy Lee Perry, who was a wonted member of the
Symbionese Liberation Army. The woman's name was actually Christine Mummy.
The police said she'd have to come to the station
with them. Christine Mummy appear currently owed thirteen dollars in
parking tickets. A crowd was leaving the community center and

(28:05):
emerged to find Christine arguing with the police. The situation
turned tents. Two more squad cars arrived, lights on. A
large crowd gathered around, yelling at the officers. The officers
yelled back, telling the crowd to back up. Popeye stepped
out from the crowd, demanding to know why they were
taking Christine in. A sergeant named Louis Calabro yelled at

(28:26):
Popeye to get back on the curb. Popeye stood his
ground and the sergeant got in his face, and the
two men yelled at each other, not touching, but within inches.
The sergeant again told Popeye to get back on the curb,
and Popeye again stood his ground. Then quickly Popeye was
cuffed and against the squad car, and so less than
forty eight hours before he was to go in front

(28:48):
of the parole board, Popeye was arrested for verbally abusing
police and allegedly pushing the police sergeant. This was trouble,
especially as Popeye had built up so much goodwill among
in Floes ruential people, despite his continued advocacy for violent radicalism.

Speaker 11 (29:05):
For me, he was a very likable person and he
must have struck a lot of people that way, because
he won a lot of friends, and especially in the
white community at the time he had started seating.

Speaker 3 (29:21):
This is Jacob Holt, a Danish photographer who documented life
in impoverished black communities in the US during the early
nineteen seventies and became a friend of Popeye's.

Speaker 11 (29:31):
Even the conservative San Francisco Examiner had had an editorial
about how giving Popeye a chance, and Popeye was given
a lot of credit in the white media and white schools.
He went out and did talks about being black underclass
and said got a lot of support from.

Speaker 3 (29:54):
Deeple Popeye surely understood the importance of having support from
quote unquote respet afected members of the community in facing
a parole board whose members had all been appointed by
Ronald Reagan. On April twenty third, Popeye was accompanied to
the hearing at San Quentin by a radical clergyman named
Reverend Cecil Williams of Glide Memorial Church in San Francisco.

Speaker 12 (30:17):
I believe that we have to radical eye things to
get things done very quickly. Social change means rapid social change,
it seems to me. Also, I believe that Jesus Christ
was a revolutionary, and he was a radical, and you
got to be out there.

Speaker 3 (30:34):
As Popeye and Reverend Williams approached the prison entrance, they
passed by a group of about two hundred supporters standing
in the rain holding free Popeye signs. Popeye had listed
thirty five witnesses who might appear on his behalf. This
list included Congressman Ron Dellams, a state assemblyman, a parole officer,
a television reporter, and several San Francisco policemen. It's not

(30:57):
clear who exactly showed up to testify. Reverend Williams would
later say that he testified to Popeye's character and his
good works assisting other ex convicts and helping at Glide
Memorial Church. In the end, Popeye's parole was not revoked,
meaning that he would not face any more prison time.
But Popeye was furious. He claimed that he had been

(31:17):
coerced into signing documents that imposed more restrictive parole conditions.
He was, for instance, prohibited from traveling beyond a fifty
mile radius of San Francisco without permission from his parole officer.
He was, however, free to walk out of prison, which
he did ten hours after entering, but his day was
not done. The supporting crowd had dwindled to about forty people.

(31:41):
As Popeye approached them, a male supporter collapsed in an
epileptic seizure. Popeye rushed over, got on his knees, and
cradled the man's head. For twenty minutes until the ambulance arrived.
Popeye wouldn't be serving more time in prison. With the insular,
radical world of San Francisco posed its own dangers to
someone with his public notoriety, things would not get easier

(32:03):
for him or for Sarah Jane next time on Rip Current.

Speaker 1 (32:31):
Rip Current was created and written by Toby Ball and
developed with Alexander Williams. Hosted by Toby Ball with Mary
Catherine Garrison. Original music by Jeff Sanoff, Show art by
Jeff Niya's Goda and Charles Rudder. Producers Jesse funk, Rema
O'Kelly and Noms Griffin. Supervising producer Trevor Young, Executive producers

(32:51):
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(33:13):
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